Caste no bar (SC/ST excuse)Wedded to untouchability, even in cyberspace

29/12/2010

COIMBATORE: sample the way untouchability is making it to cyberspace: ‘Caste no bar (SC/ST excuse)’. The entry, made by a girl as part of her profile posted on Bharatmatrimony.com, horrified city resident P Jayan. “I wonder how the website management allowed the client to post such an entry. It’s an affr ont to the country’s Scheduled communities,” Jayan told Express.

On Monday, he called up the girl’s mother. That night, he found the profile having been yanked off the site.

Portal founder Murugavel Janaki raman says BharatMatrimony has been neutral towards caste and religion. “If we sight an objectionable entry, we modify the description and educate members on the subject.”

Jayan doesn’t see this as an isola ted case. He claims many matrimony sites bear similar entries. He now plans to move a court seeking directions to all such portals to moderate content to prevent untouchability.

K Samuel Raj, State secretary of the Tamil Nadu Untouchability Eradication Front, says he is surprised to learn that untouchability had crept even into matrimonial portals. A rec ent survey by the Front had found untouchability in 82 different forms across the State, but it did not include cyberspace. Terming the issue as ser ious, he said his Front would take it up with the government.

http://expressbuzz.com/states/tamilnadu/wedded-to-untouchability-even-in-cyberspace/235081.html


RESISTING INDIGNITY

29/12/2010

Resisting indignity

MARI MARCEL THEKAEKARA

Safai karmacharis are set to end their two-decade-long movement for a life of dignity on a victorious note.

PHOTOGRAPHS: TARIQ THEKAEKARA

Valmiki/Balmiki women

ONE OF THE Balmiki women who undertook the bus yatra to Delhi, with a picture of B.R. Ambedkar.

DECEMBER 31, 2010. As revellers across the world prepare to celebrate the end of the first decade of the new millennium and the start of a new year, a million women across India will be celebrating not the end of a calendar year but the end of a centuries-old degrading and inhuman occupation – lifting of night soil, euphemistically referred to as manual scavenging.

This is the result of India’s most moving campaign since Independence. The Safai Karmachari Andolan (SKA) is a movement for dignity and justice for India’s safai karmacharis or Balmikis. It was Mahatma Gandhi who raised the question for the first time, over a century ago, in 1901, at a Kolkata meeting of the Indian National Congress. Several Prime Ministers declared they would eradicate manual scavenging. Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao, who was reportedly obsessed with ending the obnoxious practice, got the Eradication of Manual Scavenging and Dry Latrines Act passed in 1993. He also created a commission to deal with the problem and allocated crores for the rehabilitation of manual scavengers. Seventeen years after the Act, the demeaning work of removing human excreta with a broom, pieces of tin sheet and a bucket or basket is finally ending.

This has been achieved more because a band of determined people from the community launched the Safai Karmachari Andolan than because politicians or bureaucrats took the initiative. The team of mostly young people from the community, led by a frail, soft-spoken, but charismatic Balmiki leader, Bejawada Wilson, its convener, put in motion a strategic plan about 15 years ago.

First came an awareness-building exercise at the grass roots. A team of youngsters from the Balmiki community were mobilised and trained to spread the message throughout the country that manual scavenging and dry latrines had been made illegal since 1993. They went from house to house, slum to slum, district to district, convincing Balmiki women to throw down their brooms, to stop cleaning excreta. Wilson then appeared, exhorting them to give up their degrading occupation for the sake of dignity.

“The Collector can be jailed for allowing dry latrines in his/her district, no one can force you to clean them,” Wilson told them. The women were stunned when they first heard that it was punishable under law to make them clean excreta manually. When they were asked to share their experiences, it was like a dam burst. Years of pent-up anguish and emotion gushed out. “No one ever asked us how we felt, or how we suffered all these years,” they said. From Kashmir to Kanyakumari, the women repeated the same story, with slight variations.

Lakshmi from Tamil Nadu recalls: “I came from a village, so when I got married to a boy from the town, my friends were envious. ‘Now you’ll become a city girl with TV and electricity,’ they teased me. The wedding was fun. The music, food, new clothes, dressing up. When the festivities ended, my mother-in-law said, ‘The wedding is over, it’s time to go to work.’ In the village, everyone went to the fields in the morning to defecate. But not here in the town, I had never seen a huge latrine like this. I did not know our people cleaned excreta in this manner. I vomited for months. Could not eat my food. Gradually I got used to it. I hated it, but there was no choice. Even today, the sight of dal makes me throw up. It reminds me of what I cleaned for years.”

The SKA then launched a campaign to destroy illegal dry latrines. In 2003, the SKA with 18 other organisations, filed a public interest litigation (PIL) petition in the Supreme Court. They sought eradication of manual scavenging, liberation of all safai karmacharis from their degrading jobs and initiation of measures for their rehabilitation. A shameful and scandalous game ensued. After several delaying tactics, which prolonged the case over many years, the government finally took some action. But it was not to end manual scavenging but to subvert justice. In an attempt to cover up the States’ failure to implement the 1993 Act, almost all of them submitted false affidavits stating that manual scavenging and dry latrines were non-existent in their territories. They implied the SKA was lying. The Supreme Court asked the SKA to furnish proof of the existence of dry latrines and manual scavenging.

The SKA embarked on a nationwide survey to gather proof. Wilson recalls: “This wasn’t just a survey. It was a question of our life, of human dignity.” An army of 1,260 SKA activists panned out to 274 districts in 18 States. They went from house to house photographing and documenting evidence. They took pictures and video footage of individual house owners with their names and door numbers and the names and photographs of the women who cleaned their private latrines. They were aided by NDTV; the TV channel aired the footage, to the embarrassment of the house owners. The unintentional “name and shame” campaign made people, especially in Punjab and Haryana, quickly demolish the dry toilets.

S.R. Sankaran, the legendary Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer who was Wilson’s guide and mentor and a co-founder of the SKA, personally wrote letters to every Collector under whose jurisdiction dry latrines still existed. Some took action. Many were indifferent, callous and brusque.

Intensification of campaign

In 2004, the SKA decided to intensify its campaign by destroying illegal dry latrines. In Andhra Pradesh, there was a dry latrine in the Nizamabad Yellareddy court, used by lawyers and judges. “You cannot demolish this,” the authorities told them. “You will be arrested.” “We can and we will,” SKA campaigners retorted. “It is illegal; it is not supposed to exist!”

Sankaran declared, “We should have a closing date. We cannot go on forever.” Wilson saw the ‘Countdown to the Commonwealth Games’ signboards and decided Campaign 2010 had a nice ring to it. And December 31, 2010, sounded like a great deadline.

The 2010 Campaign began with plans for an all-India bus yatra in October 2010. Five buses drove triumphantly into Delhi on October 31. One had started from the northernmost part of India, Kashmir; another from the southern tip, Kanyakumari. The third meandered from Dibrugarh to Delhi, and the fourth from Orissa. The last bus was from Dehradun in Uttarakhand. There were 250 safai karmacharis from 20 States. They converged on the Vishwa Yuva Kendra, Chanakyapuri, exhausted but victorious and happy, after a marathon, month-long mission. They had undertaken the pilgrimage through 172 districts, exhorting every Indian Balmiki, from bastis throughout the country to throw down their brooms and vow that they would never clean human excreta again.

On October 7, 2010, the SKA received a huge blow. Their mentor, Sankarangaru, as he was fondly called, suffered a heart attack and died. The poor from every corner of Andhra Pradesh, whom he had served, turned up in their thousands to mourn the passing away of a man who had touched the lives of millions. But his dream lived on, soon to be realised.

Some 1,000 safai karmacharis from 20 States, who until recently had worked as manual scavengers, assembled in New Delhi on November 1 and resolved to return to the capital on January 1, 2011, if their demands were not met. At a meeting at Mavalankar Hall, they shared their experiences and put forth their demands.

As each bus appeared, at Chanakyapuri, yatris were greeted and garlanded by a cheering band of supporters and well-wishers. They clambered down travel-weary but triumphant, shouting the slogans they had learnt from different States. “ Rookhi sookhi khayenge, maila nahi uthayenge!” they yelled. (We’ll eat half a dry roti but never carry filth again.)

The slogans were sometimes difficult to decipher, but once you sorted out the myriad languages, they were upbeat and infectious. The effect was cacophonic – Bengali and Marathi merging with Oraon and Ho from Jharkhand, Kashmiri mingling with dialects like Bhojpuri, Oriya and Punjabi. The southern presence was pronounced and loud – Telegu, Tamil, Malayalam and Kannada.


Bejawada Wilson, convener of the SKA. He carried to the logical end an action plan he helped put together 15 years ago to eradicate manual scavenging.

The yatris had been together for an entire month. Many had picked up a few phrases of each language. They learnt new customs, new food habits and new languages. Tamilians shouted Johar (from Jharkhand), but strangest of all was to hear Punjabis and Kashmiris shouting “Velaga Velaga Velaga vay”, a victory cry from the deep South. North Indians ate sambar and idlis, while southern Balmikis learnt to enjoy aloo paranthas for breakfast.

Few of these women had ever left the slums they were born in or travelled, except to a relative’s house for a wedding or a funeral. Yet the fervour and emotion generated by this mission to end manual scavenging had given them the courage to embark on a totally unknown journey, hundreds, even thousands of kilometres away, to a distant dream – to Delhi. Several had taken babies and small children with them. Each person who disembarked from the buses looked exhausted but exhilarated. Each one had grown in confidence and self-esteem. The excitement and pride were palpable.

People poured out of the buses and into the hall. The women were invited to take the stage. The first was Narayanamma from Andhra Pradesh. In October 2000, The Hindu reported Narayanamma’s plight as she cleaned a 400-seat dry latrine in Anantapur town. The toilet was immediately demolished, and Narayanamma became a crusader in the fight to end manual scavenging. Ten years later she glows with pride and joy as she speaks about her fight for justice for her people.

Umayal from Puddukottai district in Tamil Nadu is all of 20 years old. She spent a month on the bus with her two-year-old daughter Sandhya. Tiny, with delicate, perfect features, she rapidly became the darling of the media after her firebrand speech. “I started doing this work when I was around 10 years old,” she began. “Once, I was working for some people and they would not let me sit on the mat. I had to sit far away in a corner on the floor. I wept and thought, I am untouchable because of the filthy work I do. When the SKA people came here and asked us to stop this work, I was only too happy to do so. I received a bank loan and now buy and sell coir. Even if someone offers me one lakh rupees, I will never do this work again.”

When Wilson took the microphone to speak, his words, deriving from his years of experience as a member of the Balmiki community, came straight from the heart. He said: “How many of our women have wept tears of shame as they did this filthy, humiliating work to feed their children? Our grandmothers, mothers, aunts, wives, sisters and daughters. They crept out from back doors, believing their touch pollutes. Today, with no promise of livelihood, no guarantee of rice or roti, they have bravely thrown down their brooms, those symbols of shame and oppression. They have travelled through the length and breadth of this country begging our people to do likewise. To throw down their buckets, baskets and brooms to liberate their children and future generations from life-long shame and oppression.”

A list of demands were announced, aimed at helping safai karmacharis to rebuild their lives with dignity. “If the government does not accept our demands within 60 days, we will all come to Delhi and stay put here until our demands are met,” Wilson declared.

The main demands were that the government must apologise to all safai karmacharis for the violation of their dignity and the degradation of an entire community over centuries; all dry latrines must be demolished; those violating the 1993 Act and forcing safai karmacharis to do manual scavenging must be punished. They also demanded that the government must release Rs.5 lakh for the rehabilitation of every safai karmachari, a separate Rs.10,000 as immediate relief, five acres of land, and Antyodaya cards and houses. A special pension for women safai karmacharis who were single, widowed or aged was also demanded.

There were loud cheers when Wilson issued his ultimatum to the government. There was a feeling that it was possible for the safai karmacharis to realise their dream. The dream does seem less impossible now. Wilson has appeared in national dailies, on television, even in British newspapers; he has held meetings with Ministers, senior IAS officers, the National Advisory Council and the Planning Commission. On October 23, an NAC meeting chaired by Sonia Gandhi issued a note ordering a crackdown on manual scavenging, with specific directions for State governments to end the shameful practice. An outline for rehabilitation was also issued.

A padayatra, launched on December 1 and culminating in Delhi on December 31, will bring this historic campaign to an end. After December, the SKA will start a “name and shame” campaign, naming Collectors who are guilty of dereliction of duty.

Few people took Wilson seriously when he started his work in 1987 in Kolar in Karnataka. The SKA has since spread to Kanyakumari, to Kashmir, to Kumaon. Its campaigners have persuaded lakhs of women to throw down their brooms, bringing down the number of manual scavengers from 13 lakh to three lakh. It has taken more than two decades, but he has achieved what even Mahatma Gandhi failed to do.

To dream an impossible dream takes courage. Yet this simple, unknown man with a small team of people has managed within two decades to sweep away the degradation of centuries for one million women with little more than the power of persuasion. It places him in the company of giants like Gandhi, Mandela and Martin Luther King. A bit over the top? Some people would say so. But not those one million Balmiki women.

 

courtesy: http://www.frontlineonnet.com/fl2801/stories/20110114280109100.htm


NDC-OHCHR-Nepal launch observation on the Untouchability Bill

24/12/2010

Wednesday, 8 December 2010,

We are concerned over the process of drafting and submission of the Bill: NDC, OHCHR-Nepal

Kathmandu – On the occasion of the Human Rights Day, the National Dalit Commission of Nepal (NDC) and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in Nepal (OHCHR-Nepal) released today an analysis of the draft Caste-based Discrimination and Untouchability Crime Elimination and Punishment Act, entitled, “NDC and OHCHR-Nepal Observations on the Untouchability Bill”.

With this document, the NDC and OHCHR-Nepal, make an assessment of the draft bill and offer a set of recommendations to the Legislative-Parliament and other relevant actors to ensure consistency of the proposed bill with national and international human rights standards.

Non-discrimination and equality are core human rights principles and Nepal is a state party to the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. The Convention obliges the Government inter alia, to prohibit discrimination based on descent, including caste-based discrimination. The Interim Constitution of Nepal and other legislation also prohibit any discrimination based on caste and untouchability. The draft bill should fill the gaps of the current legislation to ensure effective prosecution of criminal offense based on caste-based discrimination and untouchability and compensation for the victims. In particular, it should be revised to incorporate appropriate penalties and statutes of limitations corresponding to the seriousness of each offence, an essential way to ensure the right to an effective remedy for the victims.

“We welcome the submission of the draft bill on Caste-based Discrimination and Untouchability Crime Elimination and Punishment to the Legislature-Parliament as a very positive step forward which offers an opportunity to make Nepali legislation consistent with international standards,” stated in a joint press statement released today by NDC and OHCHR-Nepal, adding, “if the current gaps are corrected, the proposed law could become a key tool to curb the deep-rooted practice of castebased discrimination and practices of untouchability in Nepal.”

“We insist however that the process of drafting and submission of the Bill makes the object of meaningful consultations with key stakeholders and the general public,” said Bijul Kumar Biswakarma, the chairperson of NDC, and Anthony Cardon, Officerin- Charge of OHCHR-Nepal, adding, “the NDC and OHCHR-Nepal urge the Legislature-Parliament and the Government of Nepal to make public the content of the draft bill to seek views from concerned stakeholders and to incorporate their concerns and recommendations in the draft Bill”.

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/rwb.nsf/db900sid/EGUA-8BYNY4?OpenDocument


Dalit sisters make it to judicial services in male-dominated Haryana

24/12/2010

 

Dalit sisters make it to Haryana judicial services
Meenu and Yachana Sarswal with their father after being selected into judicial services.
YAMUNANAGAR: Haryana is celebrating the success of Dalit sisters, Meenu and Yachana, who were recently appointed judicial officers.

The girls from Musimbal, a village in Yamunanagar district, are an inspiration for thousands to dream big in a state infamous for its skewed sex ratio.

The girls have a sister, Rajni, who has an MBA and is a bank officer. Their father, Raghuvir Ram, is proud of his daughters and says he never felt the lack of a son. He was always happy raising his daughters. Raghuvir works for a nationalized bank in Chandigarh. His wife had a government job.

”In a society where sons and daughters are seldom treated as equals, we never let them feel they were at a disadvantage. Parents must be proud of their daughters and help them flourish,” Raghuvir says.

Likewise, the girls are proud of their parents, who always motivated and helped them to move ahead and achieve their targets. ”They always supported and motivated us, so that we could be successful and do something better for society,” said Meenu, a law post-graduate from Panjab University, Chandigarh.

Her sister Yachana, who also has an LLM from the same university, is keen to do something special to save the girl child.

”With the spread of education we can eradicate all evils from society. The female sex ratio can be improved only by educating women,” said Yachana, who made it to the judicial service in her first attempt.

Read more: Dalit sisters make it to judicial services in male-dominated Haryana – The Times of India http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Dalit-sisters-make-it-to-judicial-services-in-male-dominated-Haryana/articleshow/7154041.cms#ixzz1941GMdLm

 


RAJA OF CORRUPTION-Hurting the dalit cause : Prof. Kancha Ilaiah

24/12/2010

 

By Kancha Ilaiah
Our democracy is not only fragile but corrupt. But that does not absolve any dalit leader indulging in a massive corrupt practice.
The Indian nation is reeling under corruption of all varieties — financial, moral and ethical. Unfortunately former minister Raja’s corrupt contracting of the communication networks called 2G spectrum scam has not only shaken the UPA government but affected the moral credibility of DMK politics and more so that of the dalit ideology.

Raja is not only a dalit but has grown up in the Dravidian ideological framework. Why did he pursue politics of this level of corruption? Did he do it at the instance of the DMK leadership or on his own? I cannot imagine that a politician of his age and background could do it without the knowledge of the top DMK leadership.

The DMK has its origins in the socio-political culture of Periyar Ramasami Naikar’s movement. The DMK has moved far away from it. We have been haunted by the corrupt image of Lalu Prasad and Mayawati for quite some time now. The scope to justify their deeds as individual aberrations tainted our ideological vision also. Of course, we cannot write off such corrupt practices of the dalit-bahujan leaders as some historical inheritance of the same brahminic practice as the practice sustains outside the realm of ‘sramanic’ practices.

Gautham Buddha gave us a moral code that one’s own property should be an external image of one’s labour power that must get invested into it in varied forms. He was not totally opposed to private property but opposed to private property accumulated by exploiting the labour power of others.

Periyar, Mahatma Jotirao Phule and Ambedkar inherited the moral ethics of Buddha. DMK and Bahujan Samaj Party are the political expression of these great leaders of depressed classes. When these parties are heading the state institutions what ethical, moral and financial policies should they follow?

Marx also believed in a similar theory that the private property of a person should not go far beyond one’s own family labour power. Any property accumulated in any other form outside the realm of labour power of one’s own family is nothing but exploitation. The kind of political corruption that Raja or Kalmadi or Ashok Chauhan or Yeddyurappa got involved in amounts to plundering of the national resource that got generated with the investment of mass labour power of the nation into it.

If it were to be China or any other western democratic system, such political leaders either would have been hanged or they would have been jailed for their entire lifetime. In a country like the USA the jail term may be 120 years or 140 years whereby whatever could be the life span of that particular individual, he/she cannot come out of the jail till he/she dies. The Indian laws of punishment do not follow such a course. Life sentence at best means one would be in jail for 14 years.

Double punishment

The culture of punishing less for major crimes of corruption of the magnitude that we witness today has been inherited from the historical culture of ignoring or giving marginal punishments for such practices. Should not that legal trend change now? As Kanshi Ram used to say that if upper castes with proven history of corruption indulge in corruption they should be punished severely and when the state is being run by the representatives of the poor and oppressed they should be punished more because they were supposed to help the poor more. Raja, if proven guilty deserves double punishment because his moral duty was to work for the welfare of the poor more than the others. Obviously this he did not do so.

Of course, the present market economy seems to force every section to get into the network of corrupt accumulation of private capital. The culture of massive corrupt accumulation of family wealth seems to have become a normal mode of political life of politicians. May be this is part of third world democracy.

Our democracy itself is not only fragile but corrupt at the very base of it. But that does not absolve such massive corrupt practice of a dalit leader who emerged out of the political formation of the kind that DMK is.

B R Ambedkar thought that the Indian corruption is imposed by the brahminic intelligentsia, as they lived off the ‘dakshina’ economy. Those politicians who have come from the productive communities have acquired an ideological education that more you earn more respect and stature you acquire irrespective of the means you adopt for acquiring the wealth.

If Ambedkar and Jagjivan Ram, having come from the dalit-bahujan background provided one kind of example, Raja, having come from the same dalit background and having grown from the ranks of Periyarite party seems to set another example.

Culturally we have lost a moral ground that Buddha, Phule, Ambedkar and Periyar handed down to us. The political formations that emerged out of their ideology and practice must reset on a course of fresh debate about the political and social morality they set in motion. If these political parties along with communists also do not observe the cultural ethics of non-corruptibility where will the nation go?

http://www.deccanherald.com/content/121501/hurting-dalit-cause.html

 


Recasting Hinduism for the 21st century

24/12/2010

It is important that Hindus take the lead in acknowledging the damage that caste discrimination does and resolving to tackle it

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India Dalit HinduDalits at the National Conference of Dalits in New Delhi. Photograph: Manish Swarup/APCaste has become the convenient “hook” to hang the Hinduism portrait since Hinduism, that “rolling caravan of conceptual spaces”, is too complex a religion/way of life for the “people of the book” who have reigned supreme the past two millennia. Unfortunately, caste being the complex conundrum that it is, Hinduism almost always is seen through the prism of caste. 

In a newly published report, the Hindu American Foundation tackles the issue of caste discrimination, and of the immediate and urgent need for Hindus to acknowledge that caste is not an intrinsic part of Hinduism; that continuing caste-based discrimination is a major human rights problem; and only Hindus, through reform movements, through an activist agenda, and through education can rid Hindu society of the scourge of caste-based discrimination.

While there will be naysayers in the Hindu community, who wish to get into their bunkers and fight a rearguard battle to “defend” Hinduism from what they see as a concerted campaign of vilification by Christian missionaries, Muslim fundamentalists, Marxist Hindu haters, and a global-capitalist-western hegemony, it is important that Hindus bell the casteist cat themselves. In this regard, the HAF report points out that caste-based discrimination is a serious human rights issue in the Indian subcontinent, and that over 160 million people, whom the Indian government categorises as “scheduled castes” (SCs), suffer from discrimination by not only a variety of Hindu caste groups but even by “upper caste” Christians and Muslims after they have converted to Christianity or Islam.

The Indian constitution, whose chief architect, BR Ambedkar, was himself a member of the scheduled castes, outlaws “untouchability” – the act of segregating and ostracising a social group by literally prohibiting physical contact with members of the SCs. Alas, India is hobbled by a weak and sometimes dysfunctional judicial system, and therefore acts of discrimination against the SCs (or Dalits, as many of them prefer to call themselves) either go unpunished or ignored.

Other lawlessness in India goes unpunished but the challenge of dealing with caste-based discrimination has been the most disheartening. This is especially so in rural areas where caste dynamics continues to play havoc. In 2008, for example, according to the Indian government, there were 33,615 human rights violations of various types – from the denial of entry into temples to denial of service in wayside restaurants, and from bonded labour to the exploitation of women.

HAF’s report therefore begins with an important point: that Hindus must acknowledge that caste arose in Hindu society, that some Hindu texts and traditions justify a birth-based hierarchy and caste bias, and that it has survived despite considerable attempts by Hindus to curtail it. It notes that caste-based discrimination represents a failure of Hindu society “to live up to its essential spiritual teachings,” that divinity is inherent in all beings, and that caste is not an intrinsic part of Hinduism.

Sure, untouchability is practiced not just by Hindus in India and Nepal but by non-Hindus in Yemen, Japan, Korea, France, Somalia, and Tibet. But the sheer number of people who are discriminated against in India makes this a uniquely Indian and Hindu problem. Fishing in India’s troubled waters are therefore missionaries who for long have sought to make India Christian, and the left/Marxist forces in India who see only Hinduism as a problem but not religion per se. In recent decades, and especially after George W Bush became president, there was a surge in monies funneled into India for planting churches and converting Hindus. Organisations like the Dalit Freedom Network, led by and catering to mostly Christians, have gone on overdrive and sought to categorise SCs as non-Hindus and therefore arguing that they are not converting Hindus to Christianity.

HAF’s report, a first of its kind by a modern Hindu advocacy group, provides readers a handy but grand sweep of the problem of caste – from its origins to its role in the past and at present, its use and abuse, and reform movements from the earliest by the likes of Basaveshwara to the great 19th- and 20th-century reform movements like the Arya Samajmovement, and reformers like Jyotiba PhuleNarayana GuruMahatma Gandhi, and others.

Noting that there are defenders of the caste system, not just the curmudgeon and cruel among Hindus, but the likes of Voltaire and Diderot who fought against the monotheistic intolerance of Christians and Muslims, to sociologists like Louis Dumont who argued that the “distribution of functions leads to exchanges”, to the great Indophile,Alain Daniélou who argued that caste does not equate to “racist inequality but … a natural ordering of diversity,” the HAF report argues that a birth-based hierarchy is unacceptable, that inequities against and the abuse of the Dalits/SCs is a human rights issue, and that the solution to this social ill is available within Hindu sacred texts themselves, and that Hindus should be at the forefront of putting an end to the system of birth-based hierarchy as well as taking the lead in energising the Dalit community to fight discrimination.

As the British seek to draft a new bill of rights, and from what one hears,equate caste with racism, similar to what was sought at the United Nations Durban conference on racism and racial discrimination, as western Europe and US-based missionary groups ratchet up the calls for actions and sanctions against India, and as we move into a new era of global interaction, it is time for Hindus to act.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/belief/2010/dec/21/india-hindu-dalit


Untouchability: Drink your own water, dead dog or no

24/12/2010

BANGALORE: The village well is where castelines cut deep between the `we’ and `they’ notion in Waganagere village of Gulbarga. While the upper castes have their own wells, the pariahs living on the outskirts have one well. Take it or leave it.

Located in a dry region where drought is common, there are no natural lakes or even a river close by. The usual sources of water are tubewells and wells. But these sources of drinking water are not accessible to the dalits and the only well for almost 120 dalit households usually has very little water, according to the National Law School of India University’s Centre for the Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy.

Citing one instance, the study says a dog had fallen into this well and died. The dalits were left with no option, but to consume the toxic water after removing the carcass. “Even in such inhuman conditions, dalits are not allowed to enter the main part of the village and fetch water from the tubewells situated inside the village, where the upper castes live,” the study says.

While detailing how the village has clearly segregated sources of drinking water for different castes, the NLSU study also talks of how in extreme cases of drought, the upper castes do allow dalits some water. Except that the water is poured into the dalits’ pots from a distance, to prevent them from using the well!

Village Waganagere is just one among such extreme cases of caste prejudice in a state known for its royal Mysore and Vijayanagar kingdoms. At 126, Gulbarga district has the highest number of cases registered under the SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act 1989 in Karnataka.

In Bommanahalli village of Gulbarga district, the dalit population of 20 households experiences untouchability in many forms. Non-dalit castes here are mainly Brahmins, Kurubas, Ayyanars and Muslims. The Dalits mainly consist of the jatis Madaru and Holeyaru, both Scheduled Castes, and reside on the fringe of the village in a separate colony.

There are segregated water sources for dalits and non-dalits in this village too. “All sources of drinking water are not accessible to dalits. They have separate tubewells. When there is scarcity of water, the dalits are not allowed to directly draw water from the well or tubewells. One of the upper caste members would pour water into their pots,” the study says.

Life and later

The great divide is not confined to the living: even graveyards are segregated for dalits and non-dalits. In the event of a death in any dalit household, the body is paraded. The procession is strictly prohibited from entering the residential areas of the upper castes. There has been no violence on this issue, as the geography of the village and location of dalit households and their graveyard allows for dalit processions to parade the body out of the way of the other castes. Hence, there are no conflicts over access to burial grounds.

Harvest and forget

Dalits are not allowed to enter the houses of non-dalits, except when it is convenient, such as harvest season, when manual labour is required to transport the crops. Even then, the employed dalits have restricted access: while delivering the harvested crops, they are allowed entry only till the verandahs of upper caste homes.

Wedding feasts

During marriages and other celebrations, non-dalits are served food inside the house. Later, the lower castes are served, but at a distant place. The food is not offered in the plates and tumblers served to the rest of the guests; they have to bring along their own tableware.

The upper castes also demand that a separate cook be hired to prepare food exclusively for the lower castes. And the clincher: the ingredients for the feast, and the cost, are to be borne by the dalits themselves!

Read more: Drink your own water, dead dog or no – The Times of India http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bangalore/Drink-your-own-water-dead-dog-or-no/articleshow/4839520.cms#ixzz193rFmKMA